The Red Line

“I’m flattered, Comrade Premier. My staff has worked day and night to ensure our victory. They’ll be thrilled to hear of your compliments. As I stated before, sometime on the first morning, we’ll finally encounter a strong armored defense. When that occurs, we’ll maintain an unrelenting pressure on our opponent. For every tank we lose, another will come forward to take its place. And another will move forward to take that one’s place, and another will move forward, and so on. Our enemy is well trained and powerful. But he has few reserves. For every tank we destroy, for every helicopter we shoot down, there’ll be no replacement. We will never allow our opponent a single moment to breathe. Under our constant pressure, the enemy lines will crumble.”

“And when they do, the Germans will learn what happens to those who chose to follow such an evil path.”

“Yes, Comrade Premier. By noon of the first day, more than one million of our soldiers will be inside Germany. Thirty thousand tanks will be rolling west. We’ll have solidified our hold on East Germany. And we’ll be well inside the western half of the country. Because of the heroic efforts of our airborne soldiers, the enemy air bases within Germany will be no more.”

“By noon of the first day. Remarkable, Comrade General.”

“By the end of the first day, our tanks will surround Munich. At sunset on the third day, we’ll enter Frankfurt. We won’t be stopped.”

“Wonderful, Comrade General. Your plans for our ground forces appear to be very well developed. But you’ve made no mention of our navies. What about their role?”

“Comrade Premier, as you directed, this war is for a single purpose. Our intent is to do nothing more than free the German people from the Nazis. For that reason, the navy’s role is a limited one. Although no one could deny that it’s certainly important. When the war begins, our navies will destroy any American ships they find in the Black Sea. They’ll then block the Black Sea from any further entrance by our enemies. They’ll also attempt to block the Baltic Sea and our Pacific coast from attacks upon the Motherland. Finally, a significant submarine force will rush into the Atlantic. Their orders will be to find and destroy any American aircraft carriers attempting to cross to support their countrymen.”

“Very good, Yovanovich.”

“Comrade Premier, there’s a final phase to our plan—diplomacy. It’s every bit as important as the combined power of our military. It cannot be overlooked. As I stated earlier, this part of our plan must begin immediately. You must tone down the tenor of your speeches. For the next seven weeks, you’ve got to treat the Americans as if they’re our brothers, and the Germans like a long-lost cousin. Concessions will be hinted at. Talks will begin. We’ll make it look like everything the West desperately wants is coming true.”

“Yes, Yovanovich. If it’ll destroy the Nazis, I’ll do all those things and more. For the next seven weeks, I’ll rock our enemies to sleep with a lullaby. Music that is soft and sweet to the Western ear.”

“At the moment of our attack, our NATO country ambassadors will present an unmistakable demand—stay out of the dispute between the Soviet people and the despicable Nazis or suffer the consequences.”

“Do you believe such an approach will succeed?” Cheninko asked. As he had already mentioned, he was well aware of the tremendous American airpower in England, Spain, Italy, Greece, and Turkey. No one needed to tell him that those forces were a definite threat to his country’s ability to win the war.

“I’ve spoken at length with our diplomats, Comrade Cheninko. Faced with the prospect of a Nazi Germany and our threat to destroy them next, they assured me that at the very least Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway, Greece, and Turkey will agree. The Italians and Spanish will be more difficult. But in the end, we believe they’ll also see the light. We don’t know about the French. The Americans, British, and Canadians will, of course, refuse.”

“After what the American President said on television last night, there can be no doubt of that,” Cheninko said.

“No doubt at all, Comrade Cheninko. But nevertheless, no matter what the Americans do, you must remember one thing—we will take Germany in five days!” There was supreme confidence in Yovanovich’s voice.

Cheninko’s response was quieter but also unwavering. “Yes, Yovanovich, we’ll take Germany in five days.”

“So we’ve your permission, Comrade Premier, to put our plan into motion?”

“Yes, begin preparing for this operation immediately. Attack in late January or early February. Destroy the Germans once and for all.”

That night, for the first time in many months, Cheninko’s nightmares of the horrors a Nazi Germany presented to his country didn’t appear to disturb his tortured sleep. The Russian Premier slept like a baby.

• • •

At 11:45 on the evening of January 28, in every NATO country except Germany, the Soviet Ambassador presented himself to the head of state. The announcement was made that the Russians were only interested in protecting themselves against any further threat from the Nazis. All were assured there was no intent to do anything but stop the Germans. The Soviet grievance was with Germany and Germany alone.

Each leader was told if they helped the Americans fly a single aircraft against the Warsaw Pact, they would be next after the Russians finished with the Germans. As had been predicted, Turkey, Greece, the Netherlands, Norway, and Belgium complied with the ultimatum. They had little choice. Italy and Spain wavered. Neither officially agreed to the Soviet terms. But in the end, neither would allow American aircraft into or out of its airspace. France refused the Russian demands and prepared to go to war. The United States, Great Britain, and Canada made clear threats of their own in response to the Soviet demands. The Soviet Ambassadors were left with no doubt of the three countries’ resolve. Even with all that had hap

pened in the past few months, they would never abandon Germany.

The gauntlet had been thrown down. And the challenge had been accepted.

The third great European war in just over one hundred years had begun.

CHAPTER 10

January 14—2:14 p.m. (Eastern Standard Time)

The Oval Office, the White House

Washington, D.C.

Two weeks prior to the Russian attack, the President sat in the Oval Office, listening to a debate on whether to declare a military state of alert. Present at the meeting were the Director of the CIA, the Secretary of Defense, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, the Secretary of State, and the Ambassador to the Soviet Union.

The President leaned back in his chair and placed his hands behind his head. “So what you’re saying, General Larsen, is there’s no doubt in your mind that the Russians are preparing to attack.”

“That’s correct, Mr. President,” the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs said. “Both the CIA and military intelligence are telling us the Communists plan to invade Germany in the next few weeks. There have been unmistakable signs that the entire Warsaw Pact has mobilized.”

“Great. First Fromisch, now this. What else can go wrong?” The President looked at the Director of the CIA. “Chet, before we discuss the Russian situation any further, what’s the latest word on the German elections?”

“Pretty much the same as before, Mr. President. With three months to go before the Germans go to the polls, Fromisch’s lead is slipping a little. But it was so large to start with that there’s little doubt he’s going to win.”